Israel’s Strikes on Hezbollah: A Blow to the Leadership?

In a series of intense airstrikes on Thursday, October 3, Israel targeted Beirut, Lebanon, in what many are calling one of the heaviest bombardments since the assassination of Hezbollah chief Hassan Nasrallah last Friday. Reports suggest that the strikes were aimed at Hashem Safieddine, Nasrallah’s cousin and the group’s new leader, who was reportedly attending a meeting in an underground bunker at the time. While neither the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) nor Hezbollah has confirmed the details of the strikes or Safieddine’s fate, the incident raises crucial questions about the future of Hezbollah’s leadership and its ability to maintain its power.

Who is Hashem Safieddine?

Israel’s strikes, described as larger and more intense than the one that killed Nasrallah, were reportedly directed at Hezbollah’s intelligence headquarters in Beirut. The targeting of Safieddine aligns with Israel’s stated goal of systematically eliminating Hezbollah’s leadership.

A veteran member of Hezbollah, Safieddine joined the organization in the 1980s, rising through the ranks alongside Nasrallah. He served in various key roles, assuming leadership positions in the group’s political, spiritual, cultural, and military operations. Over time, Safieddine ascended to the highest levels of Hezbollah, becoming a member of the Jihadi Council, which oversees military activities, and the governing Consultative Assembly.

Known for his close ties to Iran, Safieddine cultivated these relationships during his studies in the Iranian city of Qom. He also developed a strong bond with Major General Qasem Soleimani, the commander of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps’ Quds Force, who was killed in a US airstrike in 2020. This connection extends to the next generation, as Safieddine’s son, Reza Hashem Safieddine, is married to Soleimani’s daughter, Zeinab Suleimani. In 2017, the US designated Hashem Safieddine as a terrorist, citing his prominent role in Hezbollah and its threat to national security.

The State of Hezbollah’s Leadership

The targeting of Safieddine follows a series of Israeli strikes that have eliminated other key figures in Hezbollah’s leadership, including Ibrahim Aqil and Ali Karaki. While these losses have undoubtedly weakened the group, Hezbollah is not without leadership.

Naim Qassem, Hezbollah’s deputy secretary-general since 1991, is widely considered the group’s second in command. Appointed by the late secretary general Abbas al-Musawi, who was killed in an Israeli helicopter attack in 1992, Qassem has held this position since Nasrallah assumed leadership. With a long history of Shia political activism, Qassem has played a crucial role in various aspects of Hezbollah’s operations, including its educational network and parliamentary activities.

Other key figures still alive include Talal Hamieh, who oversees Hezbollah’s external operations, Khodor Nader, who leads the group’s security unit, and Abu Ali Rida, the commander of the Badr regional division. From Hezbollah’s political wing, Ibrahim Amin Al-Sayyed, head of the group’s political council, and Mohammed Raad, leader of Hezbollah’s parliamentary bloc, remain active.

A Legacy of Targeted Assassinations

Israel’s targeted killings have left a significant mark on Hezbollah’s leadership. Beyond Nasrallah, other prominent figures who have been eliminated include Nabil Kaouk, the deputy head of Hezbollah’s Central Council, who was seen as a potential successor to Nasrallah; Ibrahim Akil, the top commander of Hezbollah’s elite Radwan Forces; Ahmad Wehbe, commander of the Radwan Forces; Mohammad Surour, head of Hezbollah’s drone unit; and Ibrahim Kobeissi, the leader of Hezbollah’s missile unit.

Fuad Shukr, involved in the 1983 suicide bombings against US, French, and Israeli targets, was also killed by Israel in July.

The Future of Hezbollah

The question of whether these killings represent the end of Hezbollah is complex. While some experts believe the loss of key leaders will significantly weaken the group and undermine its morale, others caution against declaring victory too soon.

Lina Khatib, an associate fellow at the Chatham House policy institute in London, acknowledges that Hezbollah’s collapse is unlikely but emphasizes that these strikes will be a major blow to the group’s morale. She also highlights Israel’s demonstration of military superiority and access.

Sanam Vakil, the head of Chatham House’s Middle East and North Africa Programme, points out that while Hezbollah and Hamas have experienced setbacks, they remain active forces. She argues that ongoing conflicts will likely mobilize and even radicalize new generations of fighters.

Veteran journalist Jack Khoury, in a piece published by Haaretz, echoes this view, noting that while Israel has a history of targeting Hezbollah leaders, it hasn’t led to a shift in the group’s militant stance.

Many analysts draw parallels to Israel’s assassination of Abbas al-Musawi, the former Hezbollah chief, which instead of weakening the group, solidified their commitment.

The deaths of these commanders could potentially reinforce Hezbollah’s resolve and lead to increased involvement from allied groups in the region, such as the Houthis in Yemen and Kata’ib Hizballah in Iraq.

The recent strikes on Hezbollah’s leadership have undoubtedly dealt the organization a blow, but the long-term impact remains uncertain. The question of whether this represents the end of Hezbollah remains unanswered. As tensions in the region continue, it is crucial to monitor the evolving situation and consider the broader implications of these events for the future of Lebanon and the Middle East.

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