The telecast of “The Kerala Story” film, which allegedly seeks to damage the state and its Muslim community, has reignited tensions between Christian and Muslim groups in Kerala as the state prepares for Lok Sabha elections. Both the Congress-led United Democratic Front (UDF) and the ruling CPI(M)-led Left Democratic Front (LDF) have expressed concerns about the contentious movie being shown, although some Christian organizations have planned their own screenings.
This most recent episode exposes Kerala’s multifaceted demographic changes and unequal population growth across religious groups, with the Pathanamthitta district serving as a microcosm of these trends. Despite the fact that overall population growth in the state is declining, the total fertility rate (TFR) varies greatly among different groups. Kerala’s overall TFR is 1.79, with Christians having a TFR of 1.77, Hindus having a TFR of 1.53, and Muslims having a TFR of 2.25. These demographic shifts, along with social variables and shifting economic circumstances, have an impact on political equations and the plans of organizations like the BJP, which aspires to create a coalition based on common worries.
The BJP is attempting to leverage alleged demographic threats among Hindus and Christians as a campaign strategy. The Congress, on the other hand, needs to reunite Christians and Muslims under its umbrella to regain power in Kerala. The LDF promotes itself as the most true anti-BJP coalition for Muslims and a haven for Christians who are dissatisfied with the Congress and hesitant about the BJP.
The Pathanamthitta district’s shift from the UDF to the LDF, which won all five Assembly seats in 2021, can be partly attributed to the LDF’s recent successes with the Christian and Muslim communities. The CPI(M) appeals to Christians who see the UDF as being dominated by the Indian Union Muslim League; it also appeals to Muslims and Christians who believe the UDF’s response to the BJP is inadequate. This new social alliance was the foundation of the LDF’s extraordinary second term victory in 2021. The BJP is putting its stamina to the test.
“The Christian community’s trust in us has grown, and we will continue to do all possible for their welfare,” Prime Minister Narendra Modi stated during the campaign. The BJP hopes to create a coalition of Christians and Hindus based on their shared concerns concerning Muslims. The response is mixed. The Believers Eastern Church has declared its support for Mr. Anil Antony, making it the first church to do so, but Theodosius Mar Thoma XXII Metropolitan, the head of the Mar Thoma Church, has urged voters to support India’s pluralism and secularism. Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan, Congress leader V.D. Satheesan, and Goa Governor P.S. Sreedharan Pillai were among the speakers at the Indian Pentecostal Church’s annual convention last year, each making their political pitch.
Mr. Pillai, a BJP veteran, discussed the ethnic roots of the “anti-Christian” violence in Manipur. Churches are still wary of the BJP due to factors such as the regulation of foreign contributions, which restricts them from receiving funds even from members outside the country.
In Kerala, the three communities coexist in a highly interconnected manner. Two recent stories alone are instructive. With the backing of Muslims, the 400-year-old Muthuvallur Sree Durga Bhagavathy Temple in Malappuram is undergoing renovations. After a plot normally utilized by Muslims became unavailable, the Nicholas Memorial CSI Church in Manjeri, Malappuram, opened its doors for Id prayers this year. The LDF positions itself as the most authentic anti-BJP front for Muslims and an escape platform for Christians dissatisfied with the Congress and mistrustful of the BJP. The BJP’s calculations are based on suggesting a shared demographic threat perception among the Hindus and Christians. The Congress’s ability to reunite Christians and Muslims under its banner will determine whether or not it can regain power in Kerala.
